Where are all the European Feminists?

Every European government and institution is committed to equality, but yet discrimination remains. European Alternatives launches its Future of European Feminism Project.

Ségolène Pruvot, Shandi Miller, Anna M Koeman, Federica Ambrosini

Feminism, the ‘F-word’, calls various images to people’s minds. Some see suffragettes holding ‘Vote for Women’ banners, others think of Simone de Beauvoir, the free minded intellectual, or of young women in the 1970’s, highly politicised and challenging traditional social roles and demanding, as the Dutch put it at the time, the right to ‘Be the boss of their own bellies’.

These are some snapshots from the first and second ‘waves’ or ‘generations’ of the feminist movement, when women openly took the streets, or used their public image, to challenge the existing social structures that made them second rank citizens with a restricted access to certain rights. They represent two of the central aspects of feminism: the struggle for effective access to political rights, and the struggle to have full ownership of their bodies.

So what? This movement has proved successful and since the 80’s, women have it all.

Or so it seems listening to the French popular singer Michel Sardou. His song ‘Être une femme’ (to be a woman) celebrates with envy ‘The Woman’ of the 80’s who is having as many sexual affairs as she desires and is successful in her career. Finally she climbs up the social and political ladder up and becomes President of the Republic. This woman is a menacing man eater (‘dévoreuse de minets’) and is extremely sexually attractive for men. She is what most girls born in the 80’s are supposed to have wanted to be: sexually ‘free’, ambitious, and in total control of her own life.

Other voices warned against idealising the myth. Cookie Dingler told us in ’84 ‘Ne la laisse pas tomber, elle est si fragile, être une femme libérée, tu sais c'est pas si facile’ (‘Don’t let her down, she is so fragile, to be a free woman, really it’s not so easy’)

Indeed, the trouble is that, as so often quoted, but unfortunately as often forgotten, this myth does not survive the examination of evidence. In all European countries, women are underrepresented in political institutions. In all European countries, women are paid less than men for similar occupations. In all European countries most women continue to take the primary responsibility for unpaid work at home.

If we look at just one of these dimensions - the representation of women in political institutions, governments and Parliaments - unsurprisingly Scandinavian countries rank on top. In Finland, 55% of the members of government and 41% of the members of the Parliament are women, in Sweden these proportions are 45 and 46%. In the UK, these proportions fall to 22% and 18%. In Romania there are no women in the government, In Greece, one (6%). The mean of the 27 countries is about 23% of women in the Parliament. The European Union is no exception to the rule. There are eight women in the European Commission, of a total of 27 commissioners. 30% of the European Parliament is female.

This indicator is too simplistic to be more than just a partial indicator of progress or equality. Considering that in France, for example, women did not get the right to vote until 1946, considerable advances have been won in a relatively short period of time. Nevertheless the mutation of social structures and gender roles are slow (very slow), suggesting that most of the barriers to equality are still in place.

And although there are no fewer ‘feminists’ today, the nature of their political engagement has changed. There is an increasing awareness that discrimination in our societies is multiple and not restricted to gender issues, race, class, or sexuality, but these are simply factors of the same processes. Therefore people who, one generation ago, may have been active in women’s organisations might be just as likely today to be active in organisations fighting for other causes such as the rights of gay and lesbians, the regularisation of immigrants, or prevention against discrimination over health issues, such as HIV/AIDS or disabilities. Yet the problem remains: women still tend to come out on average doing worse than men regardless of other forms of discrimination they may face.

Today, the European perspective can be a tool for us, European feminists, to challenge and deepen our understanding of the processes that maintain gender inequalities and therefore work towards social change.

Comparing one country’s situation with others is the first step in assessing the changes that have happened and the barriers that remain. For instance, In the German Democratic Republic, women used to have access to good childcare, but after reunification, these facilities partly disappeared, revealing the barriers to work imposed on West German mothers. The situation in transition countries is therefore likely to reveal the stickiness of structural obstacles to gender equality in western European countries, and conversely.

More importantly, because the European Union actively promotes gender equality, it is also a tool that we can use to demand social and institutional changes when resistances are too strong to be dealt with from inside national countries.

One of key objectives of the European Union is ‘to eliminate inequalities and promote gender equality throughout the European Community’ using a ‘comprehensive approach which includes legislation, mainstreaming and positive actions’. At least four articles of the Treaty of Amsterdam set gender equality objectives to the EU. Articles 2 and 3 set speak about ‘gender mainstreaming’. This means that the gender equality objective is to be integrated into all Community policies. Article 141 focuses on equality between women and men in matters of employment and occupation and Article 137 about sex discrimination within and outside the work place. Confirming this commitment, all Member States approved the European Pact for Gender Equality in March 2006, and the EU Commission has designed a “roadmap for equality between women and men” for 2006-2010. It is our responsibility to use the opportunities opened up by European integration and to promote the objectives of the feminist movements and to act towards more equality in European societies.

The legal commitments of the European Union can be used to encourage formal gender equality where the legislation of the countries lags behind. Yet the enforcement of legal rights is necessary but never sufficient to ensure that equality improves: the changes required are fundamentally cultural and social. These changes should be fought for, constructed and insisted upon at a transnational scale as well as locally. The ideals of the European Union give an unprecedented opportunity to insist on change throughout Europe. Transnational activism and networking between feminists is therefore crucial to ensure that the commitments of the European Union are lived up to.

The Future of European Feminism project launches at London Festival of Europe 2008

View project

European Feminist Summit: 15th March 2008

An international summit drawing on intergeneration experience to assess the future of Feminism in Europe.

Two public workshops: Sexualisation in the Arts and Media; Feminist engagement in Business and Politics

Speakers include: Claire Fox; Helen Mees; Peter Tatchell; Rosalind Gill; Loredanna Rotondo, Lynn Turner, Teresa Rees, Sally Arkley

Hampstead Town Hall
213 Haverstock Hill (Belsize Park tube)
London NW3 4QP

Saturday 15 March 2:30 – 5:30 pm

Registration from 2pm, Reception to follow

FREE and open to all

Website Design By ChrisWalmsley.co.uk
© 2008

Hosting by e-noise.com